Photo courtesy of Hannah Noyes.
The fight against neoliberalism is not new for indigenous communities in Latin America. This fight came to center stage on October 2nd after Ecuadorian President Lenin Moreno announced Decree 883, the latest in neoliberal economic measures. This decree prompted a national strike on October 3rd to protest the price increase of gas, goods, and services. In the following days, police and military repression increased alongside the unwavering protesters demanding the annulment of Decree 883. Twelve days filled with violence and suppression of the public passed before Moreno and his government engaged in discourse with leaders of the Indigenous Movement. After peace talks moderated by the United Nations were held between the two groups, Moreno repealed the decree. The government is currently working to create a new decree in collaboration with indigenous leaders regarding the conditions of Ecuador’s outstanding debt to the IMF.
Shortly after his election in 2017, Moreno reinitiated relationships with the IMF and World Bank. In March of 2019, he signed an agreement with the IMF that allowed the Ecuadorian government to borrow $4.2 billion. This exchange did not occur without constraints as the deal required government compliance with the conditions set by the IMF. To do so, Moreno created Decree 883 in an effort to reduce government spending (#SOSEcuador). The “paquetazo” (series of austerity measures) he issued removed fuel subsidies that had been in place since the 1970s, causing gas prices to increase by up to 120% overnight alongside the inevitable increase in cost of goods (#SOSEcuador). These economic measures disproportionately affected indigenous people, campesinos, and Ecuador’s working class. As college student Kaitlyn H (class of 2021, who is currently studying in Ecuador) explains it, people were being asked to work more hours for less money. Those in transportation and tourism industries were unable to raise their prices, while private companies could, due to the sudden increase in gas prices.
On October 3rd transportation unions called for a National Strike to protest the increase of goods and services. During the “paros” (transportation stops) service was refused, countless roads were shut down, and burning lines of tires became a common sight. Kaitlyn’s program was scheduled to leave Quito (Ecuador’s capital) for an excursion that day. She commented that even after leaving at 6AM and taking countless backroads, they ran into four tire fires in a matter of fifteen minutes. “We were screwed,” said Kaitlyn, who explained how they had to walk (and eventually hitch-hike) the remainder of the distance to the airport, which involved traversing through the fires. The paro sent a clear message: we do not function without transportation. The protests demanding annulment of the decree grew to include all of those affected by the economic shift, most notably the Ecuadorian Indigenous Movement. According to the CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador) at least 40,000 protestors gathered in Quito, as well as 30,000 nationwide for the second National Strike on October 9th (#SOSEcuador). The government responded to the first day of the strike by declaring a “State of Exception.” This declaration allowed the government to suspend the rule of law in the name of “the public good.” It revoked the right to assemble, censored media and allowed the military to use increased force, drastically increasing the use of violent measures to repress the people’s right to protest (#SOSEcuador).
As the days continued, indigenous groups and locals mobilized and moved towards the capital. On October 7th Jaime Vargas, leader of CONAIE, stated he would not speak to the government until it agreed to repeal the reforms and reinstate the petroleum subsidies. By October 8th tensions had risen significantly and conflicts between the Indigenous Movement and Ecuadorian police and military personnel continued to escalate. Protestors were heavily tear gassed and pushed back with lead bullets. Many evacuated and sought refuge in nearby universities, as police fired tear gas onto the grounds of nearby hospitals as well as the designated “safe zones” for humanitarian aid. On the 8th Moreno announced a “toque de queda” (curfew), prohibiting movement in “strategic locations” (such as spaces near government buildings) for the duration of the State of Exception (#SOSEcuador). Protests endured until October 12, when Moreno announced an earlier curfew beginning at 3PM (instead of 8PM) along with an indefinite 24/7 curfew and movement restrictions throughout the country. Below, you can see the text from the President that appeared on Kaitlyn’s phone, who went on to stress its significance; there were tens of thousands of people protesting with nowhere to go, and the curfew only provided 30 minutes to get home. This suggests that the government issued the “toque de queda” knowing that it would subject stranded people to further repression.
By October 13th, there had been talks of dialogue between the government and Indigenous Leaders, but no evidence of conversation. Hostile activity continued when a large military convoy with weapons to supply police in Quito tried to pass through Píntag (located 30 kilometers southeast of the capital). Kaitlyn and her classmates were sent to Píntag for quarantine during this time. She emphasized that the people there wanted to prevent the delivery of arms, and that some of her teachers and program directors were part of the protests that attempted to impede its passage. While students like herself were not allowed to participate for numerous reasons, she stressed the peaceful manner in which the locals approached the situation. Regardless, they were still met with gas bombs, tear gas, and lead bullets injuring many, including children. It was recently reported that a 16 year old girl lost her eye during the events in Píntag (ElComercio).
At this point dialogue was unavoidable. Members of the Indigenous Movement met with government officials for a live broadcast of peace talks moderated by the United Nations. The Indigenous Movement argued that Decree 883 affected the already economically disadvantaged, called for the IMF’s agreement to be transparent, and demanded the state be held accountable for the wounded and killed during the protests (LATFEM). They made it clear that the discontent with the neoliberal economic course was not unique to their movement, but came from a large part of the population. “Este no es un pedido del movimiento indígena, este es un pedido del país.” This is not a request from the indigenous movement, this is a request from the country, stated Jaime Vargas (LATFEM). Ultimately, the government repealed Decree 883, but news of one taking its place (created with the participation of the Indigenous Movement) has yet to surface.
While a diverse collection of people engaged in the nationwide protests, it was the Indigenous Movement that sustained the 12 days of protest and stood as the principal voice of the opposition to Decree 883. It is one of the few social movements with the ability to summon thousands of people across the country and paralyze it (LATFEM). This movement has been engaged in a continual struggle for basic rights, land, and recognition as equal citizens. Although originally a transportation strike, the issue of oil runs deeper than its prices. In the last few decades Ecuador (along with many other Latin American countries such as Argentina) has been heavily concessioned to national and multinational oil and mining companies. Displacement and water contamination are just a few of the ways in which indigenous communities are being impacted the most by this extractivist agenda.
Apart from the indisputable economic violence inflicted upon the indigenous, poor, and rural communities throughout the country, the unprecedented human rights violations on the part of the state cannot go overlooked. Places of peace were bombed with tear gas, videos can be seen of policemen wiring fences with electrical currents, water was cut off to places of refuge (humanitarian refugee centers for women and children, makeshift medical centers and hospitals) and the surrounding areas housing protesters. Measures such as the implementation of the toque de queda five hours earlier than anticipated allowed the government to abuse their power and incite fear with excessive violence. While some media outlets would like the public to believe the protestors themselves were violent, it must be remembered that these began as peaceful protests, and brutality entered on the part of the police and military, requiring the use of self-defense. “People [protestors] were throwing rocks,” said Kaitlyn, “how can this possibly compare to people who have protective gear, guns, and bombs?”
The protests came to a close weeks ago, but the marks of the tire fires, jumbled roads, and remnants of the national protests survived as reminders of the successful, yet partial, indigenous victory. •
